On the 26th of September, 1930, at least forty five men, women, and children were killed during a riot in the fishing town of Apam in the South-West of the Gold Coast Colony. This traumatic event was instigated by the two asafo companies of the town, semi-voluntary associations of men, fulfilling social, religious, and once military functions. The fire which raged during the civil disturbance destroyed 64 houses, trapping many of the inhabitants inside and disrupting the borders marking asafo territory. Subsequent resettlement by one asafo company expanded the confines of Apam town. This riot is typical of the turmoil caused by asafo companies within Fante speaking communities under British colonial rule. Such events are often depicted in the existing literature as the activities of delinquent youth in the first instance, and proto-nationalist resistance in the second. Yet once situated within its cultural context, this episode of violence can be seen to draw upon ritual aspects of an imagined past, in order to renegotiate the urban landscape inhabited by the asafo companies of Apam. The presence of ancestral spirits and military gods within inter-company riots emphasizes the symbiotic interaction between historical memory and violence. That this violence took place at the invisible borders between asafo quarters, containing shrines and company posts, speaks to the contested nature of space within the coastal town. Moving beyond established understanding of asafo activity, this paper will therefore demonstrate the power of both ritual and physical violence in reimagining and reformulating local processes of urbanization.

During the transition to democracy in the 1990s South Africa was engulfed in escalating violence. The great majority of violence was labeled so-called 'black on black violence' and occurred in KwaZulu/Natal and in the African townships in the Pretoria - Witwatersrand - Vereeniging area. It pitted supporters of the African National Congress (ANC) against members of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) - the Zulu nationalist party under the leadership of chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi - and the security forces of the state. In the Natal Midlands, conflict turned into a low-intensity civil war when entire communities came under attack and areas were purged of those suspected to support the rival group. In the industrial townships of the PWV violence begun to accelerate from 1990 and led to a series of massacres, drive-by shootings and attacks on train commuters. The perceived arbitrariness of expressions of conflict, suspicions of third force involvement and the uncertain outcome of the negotiation process shaped a context that was marked by high levels of instability, uncertainty and vulnerability.

Based on archival research and oral history interviews, this paper examines the role of rumour and networks of knowledge and migration in transporting violent conflict between KwaZulu/Natal and the urban townships of the PWV. The movement of migrant workers as well as warlords, indunas and political activists was significant in connecting the two regions. Rumours of violence and expectations of real or imaginary threats circulated along social and political networks, translating experiences, assumptions and expectations across different regions.

This paper will consider the ANC's role during the youth-led township rebellion of the mid-to-late 1980s. The relevance of this insurrection to the theme of the geography and migration of conflict is that even though the ANC lacked a physical presence in the townships (for the greater part of the rebellion), and was thus unable to organise the resistance, the appeal of its confrontational policies - and above all its armed struggle - meant it was accorded the mantle of titular leadership of the revolt by the youths spearheading the fighting. The intangibility of mass consciousness and the difficulty of gauging it though conventional archival sources means the article relies heavily on the testimony of contemporary witnesses, and particularly journalists to map the process by which the rising was able to migrate across boundaries of region and race. The origins and dynamics of the uprising are investigated in the paper, as is the manner in which the ANC was able to wield and marshal symbolic power during its course. The paper as a whole considers the manner in which the revolt's lack of formal leadership proved to be its greatest strength by making it so difficult to quell.

With the national election in Liberia scheduled for October 2017, and remaining tension from two recent civil wars, it is important to revisit Liberia's violent past as we look towards its future.

The war that began in 1989 and ended in 1996 is a clear case of how rural African religious institutions can pursue their political objectives through violence. This is not a new phenomenon of course. The 500 year old Poro secret society of Liberia that operates as both a religion and an agency of population control is a case in point. I argue in this paper that the Poro joined forces with the National Patriotic Front of Liberia, (NPFL), to oust Samuel Doe and his regime in Monrovia, the capital city. Poro members incorporated the organization's metaphysical beliefs relating to life, death and spiritual power as war tactics. Therefore, the civil war in Liberia was a NPFL insurgency fueled by a Poro insurrection that eventually destroyed Monrovia.

This study is needed because many of the warlords and protagonists responsible for horrific war crimes have gone unpunished. Some, as in the case of Prince Johnson, one of the original members of the NPFL and later the leader of the Independent National Front of Liberia (INPFL), were elected to high office after the First Liberian Civil War (FLCW). Understanding the mechanics of the violence can help facilitate peace and mitigate the suffering should conflict consume Liberia once more. This paper is based on my doctoral research.