ECAS 2013

For understanding 'new topographies of African migration', we need to revise the common theoretical and conceptual framework commonly applied in migration studies. In which way do new and alternative forms of migration from Africa towards East and West differ from types of South-North-migration we've been studying predominantly during the last decades? Where are commonalities and differences? How can these be explained?

In recent years it has become exceedingly difficult for African migrants to enter the Global North. The EU and its member states have made further restrictions on national asylum and migration policies and have de facto outsourced its border control by collaborating with transit migration countries in Africa. At the same time in Argentina, a country with no direct diplomatic or economic links to Senegal, the stock of Senegalese asylum seekers and irregular migrants has risen since the 2000s. When the opportunities to enter Europe diminish it seems that new routes towards less developed economies appear.

In this paper we examine the recent flow of Senegalese migrants to Argentina. By focusing on the interactions between the migrants, civil society and the Argentinean State we explore how this new group of migrants seek to create new spaces of mobility and recognition. The paper presents an empirically-grounded discussion of how the migrants manoeuvre in the new geographical context. It draws special attention to their attempt to get recognised legally by the Argentinean State, a process witch reached a peak in 2013, when a new regularization regime for irregular Senegalese was introduced.

The analysis is based on empirical material collected through ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with Senegalese migrants in Buenos Aires.

This paper shows that processes of connectedness between the Franco-Arab schools in the region of Gao, Mali, West Africa and Arab Universities in North Africa (Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia) are strongly produced by feelings of alienations and estrangement experienced by the students of these schools. In this context, we argue that the mentioned regions are connected by roads that challenge the constructions of hegemonic logic of territorial spaces, political dominance, religious as well as linguistic differences. However, these channels are often marginal and contradictory in nature, despite their desired existence. The Franco-Arab schools in the Gao region are, in many cases, funded by NGOs or by members of the local communities who lived and worked in the wealthy Gulf States, especially Saudi Arabia. Therefore, our analysis focuses more specifically on a case study that traces mobility between the region of Gao and Egypt, highlighting paths of exile, insile and desexil experienced by students of Tamasheq origins. Exile here is understood as an extreme form of Nomadism experienced by the Tamasheq students and triggered by political struggle and impoverishment as a result of lack of state investment accompanied by feelings of alienation, estrangement, internal exile, passivity generated by oppression or internal marginalization or desexil as well as return marginalization.

Since 1961 more than 30.000 Africans of different nationalities studied in Cuba a wide variety of subjects. Being part of bilaterally designed programs, this educational migration is conceived by Cuban officials as their country's development aid to African nations. As such it is embedded in a discourse of internationalist South-South solidarity and presented as an alternative to neo-liberal globalization. Based on fieldwork in Cuba, Mozambique and South Africa, this paper will focus on the experiences of Mozambicans who studied in Cuba in the 1970s and 80s on the island and after their return to Mozambique. An overview will be given of Cuba's cooperation programs with different African countries and its accompanying discourse of internationalist solidarity. I will discuss in which way the Mozambicans' experiences of crossing the Atlantic served as a rite of passage initiating them to a modern, Socialist society, present the everyday life and experiences of African students in Cuba and in which way Turner's concept of the liminal may help to understand the students' experiences.

Academic mobility is at the heart of higher education internationalisation. Moving beyond national boundaries in higher education encompasses both benefits and risks. The main benefits are related to the fact that by sending students abroad to participate in exchange programmes, higher education institutions can achieve excellence, gain reputation, exchange information and experience with academic, scientific and industry organizations. Furthermore, because higher education institutions operate in a global competitive environment sending students abroad allow them to develop the skills, knowledge and attitudes which will allow them to work in a globalized and interconnected world. The paper seeks to explore social practices of outbound student mobility in two Mozambican universities. It presents empirical data about outbound student mobility regarding geographical and academic patterns, such as: the proportion of students going abroad to attend exchange programmes, the major destinations of Mozambican students, the duration involved, the main fields of study students engage with, the degrees achieved as well as the rate of return from host countries. The paper also discusses the role of student outbound mobility in university management: how do universities through their policy statements and strategic plans perceive outbound mobility in terms of benefits and risks? Do these policies implicitly or explicitly promote outbound mobility? Is there a specific department or office in charge of academic mobility affairs? How is it coordinated?

International mobility for studies is a global phenomenon that affects more than 3,5 million persons through the world, with a large majority of them who have chosen OECD countries. Yet, many developing countries are emerging as major destinations. Morocco, for instance, hosts an important sub-Saharan student population estimated at 12,000, of which almost 1,000 Malians in 2012. This proposal seeks to explain that the choice of Moroccan higher institutions is not only due to the bad quality of the Malian educational system, but it also obeys to logics and strategies of social distinction. Our analysis is based on forty qualitative interviews conducted with Malian students during the summer 2012 in Rabat and Casablanca. From preliminary results, it appears that the students who are granted a Malian scholarship attend public universities and mainly sought to "escape from" the Malian educational system. However, the richest ones are self-funded by their parents to study fields they could have had in Malian tertiary schools and mostly attend private universities. The financing of the families is part of strategies of social distinction through a Moroccan diploma since they could not get into a french or American university. The attractiveness of Morocco may be understood by the fact that it is a default destination for Malian students, most of whom intend to pursue their studies in a Western country. Also that fascination concerning Moroccan higher education is strengthened by a competitive academic offer compared to students'countries of origin and the exponential growth of Moroccan private schools.