ECAS 2013

The introduction of a new approach to Aid, more than a decade ago, emphasized the importance of civil society participation in policy processes, including the monitoring and evaluation (M&E) of poverty reduction programs and development plans. However, the implementation, and more specifically the institutionalization of civil society participation in PRS monitoring appeared difficult in practice (Eberlei and Siebold, 2006). In recent years, the growing popularity of social accountability initiatives has breathe new life into civil society M&E, albeit in a more ad-hoc, project-related way. These initiatives are mushrooming across the globe, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, but at the same time little systematic evidence is available about their outcome and impact (McGee and Gaventa, 2011).

The paper focuses on the role and influence of CSOs that are involved in the M&E of government programs and policies, mostly under the broad banner of social accountability. Based on key informant interviews carried out during recent fieldwork in Ghana, the paper sets out to examine the ways in which CSOs can influence public officials (or not) through a combination of their M&E activities and advocacy strategies. While some CSOs are able to adopt more confrontational strategies, others engage with government in a constructive way when discussing the results of their M&E. To analyse their role and influence, a framework that combines theories on evaluation use and influence, and literature on accountability was developed. The paper suggests that, under certain conditions, CSOs are able to trigger conceptual, motivational and behavioural influence mechanisms.

Le début des années 1990 a connu dans les pays africains la légitimation du discours de la lutte contre la corruption à partir des phénomènes d'internationalisation. Au Bénin, l'éclosion d'un espace médiatique varié et riche d'une centaine d'organes de presse, parallèlement à la montée en puissance de la société civile et l'engouement populaire contre la mauvaise gouvernance, ont permis la problématisation publique de la corruption et par ricochet la justification de la nécessité d'engager un combat contre elle.

De fait, l'Etat est devenu la cible des campagnes anti-corruption de la société civile et les mobilisations des nouveaux entrepreneurs de morale, engagés contre la corruption, induisent une modification des rapports entre société civile et politique. Cette communication s'appuie sur l'économie de la dénonciation (Eyebiyi, 2009) pratiquée par les leaders de la lutte contre la corruption pour interroger les dynamiques sociales et politiques de la lutte contre la corruption. Cette communication repose sur des données empiriques collectés au Bénin dans le cadre d'une thèse de doctorat en sociologie. Elle établira les mécanismes de la problématisation publique de la lutte en intégrant l'analyse de la massive participation des médias à la publicisation de la lutte contre la corruption.

Women's Movements have a long history in civic movements in West Africa. In traditional societies, women mobilize to address issues confronting their wellbeing often with implications for the larger society. Traditionally, women have drawn from customary provisions as well as their collective agencies to advocate in ways that have challenged the forces and factors impeding their progress. During the independence struggles women mobilized alongside men against colonial rule. Yet, within those movements emerged parallel movements such as the National Federation of Gold Coast Women that offered spaces for women to articulate their special interest. Under the current democratic dispensation, women still find reason to mobilize to advance their interests and those of the state. In Ghana, Nigeria, Liberia and Sierra Leone, women have mobilized around violence against women, economic rights and peace and security. The Women's Peace Movement of Liberia, Sister's Keeper in Ghana and the Women's Manifesto Coalitions have all been geared toward political change with some successes and many challenges. This paper traces historical trends for antecedents that can inform current dynamics and justify or not the relevance of women's movements today. It will draw from theoretical analyses around women's agency (e.g., Amina Mama and N. Kabeer) documented sources (e.g., K. Fallon; D. Tsikata) and empirical evidence from country cases (e.g., Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Nigeria). Such analysis should contribute to the understanding of women's movements as political instruments and their relevance in the on-going democratization processes in the sub-region.

The major aim of this paper is to critically examine the very involvement of the local non-governmental organizations in the governance process in Zambia under the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) rule. The paper's departure point is the non-governmental actors role in the process of Kenneth Kaunda removal from power, and public expectations that Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD, which originated in trade union movement) will launch a dialogue with civil society.

This paper is based primarily on a field studies conducted in Zambia in 2010 and 2011, when over 20 in-depth interviews was conducted with politicians, representatives of civil society, university workers and representatives of mining corporations. Research process was guided by social constructivist epistemology, and the major finding is that relations between MMD government and advocacy NGOs were characterized by mutual distrust, and mutual accusation of a lack of transparency and legitimacy. The NGOs were mainly using "name and shame" strategy while engaging the government, what together with MMD suspicious attitude towards NGOs created a specific ideational structure of mistrust and mutual suspicion, which was extremely difficult to break, and which had dominant influence on government - NGOs relations.

The year 2012 will go down in the history of Uganda as the year of jubilee and reawakened civil activism. The streets of Kampala were awash with police and protesters every month since the Presidential elections of 2011. Indeed police became a a permanent feature of the roads of Kampala replacing all the decorative flowers and each event by civil society was watched with a dose of skepticism and anxiety. What did all these civic actions mean and why the state brutality. In this paper I argue that the evolving character of the state and society has led to new configurations and connections between citizens and the state. While the state works and desires to see a more docile society and citizens, its actions and in actions have given rise to a more aggressive political opposition and bolder civil society. Today the state employs several tactics to tame civil society actions. These state actions become an important indicator of the role that civil society is 'expected' to play and is playing. These unintended consequences of the post-2011 Uganda and recent North Africa citizen actions are important reflections that we need to interrogate as we reflect on the role of the civil society in Africa.