ECAS 2013

Pre-colonial Africa was essentially devoid of any borders. Interactions and movements that would have been classified as cross-border or trans-border within the framework of modern nation-state functioning were routinely adjudged as one taking place within the same socio-cultural or geo-political configuration. While the interests of different colonial impostors were at the root of immanent border demarcations, extant solidarity-propelled pattern of human interaction in Africa has been unduly obliterated. Cross-border interactions in Africa are now needlessly Herculean. Impliedly, the process of enabling integration of the continent has been near impossible due to prevalent nation-state consciousness. As such, contemporary efforts at socio-economic and human transformation of Africa have continued to suffer as a result of prevalent disunity amongst various nation-states that constitute the continent. This paper focuses on espousing how various problems militating against the integration of Africa could be mitigated.

Regional Economic Communities (RECs) have a significant role to play in driving integration in Africa. The African Union and NEPAD depend on the RECs for the implementation of their programmes. But compared to other sub-regions in the continent, North Africa has been lagging behind in terms of regional integration. Political disputes and limited institutional capacity weakened the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU). In spite of its good potentials, the Community of Sahel and Saharan States (CEN-SAD) has largely been dependent on the personality of its founder, Muammar Al-Qadaffi. The change of political regimes in the wake of the popular uprisings in North Africa has opened opportunities for strengthening the two sub-regional organisations. Post-Ben Ali Tunisia and Algeria decided recently to co-ordinate their policies to confront security problems in the Sahel. Discussions among Maghreb countries are underway to revitalize the AMU. Morocco seems to be taking the lead to strengthen CEN-SAD. The paper will discuss the North Africa regional integration in the wake of the Arab Spring and the prospects of strengthening existing organisations. It will be divided into four sections. The first section will briefly discuss the development of integration thinking in Africa. The second section will review the North African record in regional integration and the obstacles that hindered its development. The third section will define the regional environment in the wake of the Arab spring. The last section will examine the recent developments in the integration policies of North African countries and their impact on integration in the region.

This paper provides a critical view of the official position of Southern African Customs Union on its place within Southern African regional integration agenda. It executes this theoretical task by exploring its position on six issues. They are, firstly, whether SACU as a customs union is advancing regional integration. Secondly, whether SACU can effectively be used as a model for Southern African regional integration. To what extent does it provide a model for regional integration? Thirdly, whether there are structural challenges in using SACU as a model for regional integration? Fourthly, are there obstacles to SACU's expansion? Fifthly, are there opportunities available to SACU's admission of other Sothern African Development Community (SADC) countries and even Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa countries as members? Sixthly, implications of the implementation of the decision of SACU heads of state and government for SACU to be an economic community for Southern African regional integration agenda. Interrogating these challenges, the paper raises the question as to whether SACU should not be integrated into SADC to serve the broader long-term strategic regional interests.

Child labor in the West African sub-region is a policy concern that transcends the social sphere to mainstream scientific approach. Indeed, theories of child labor construct an ideology that several motivations lead these children to migrate to agricultural and economic units according to economic and social incentives, which are raised by parents in most cases. Diallo (2000) affirmed that many factors do determine the supply of child labor. Among such are the socio-cultural environment (social norms), dysfunctional credit markets, household poverty, the weaknesses of the education system and legislative factors. But very minimal scientific work had addressed what children experience in the course of migration in West Africa. The ability for a child in the process of deciding to go for work is a theoretical field that deserves to be visited. Although the CODESRIA Institute for Children (2011) did raise significant concerns on the processes involved in children's decision-making and its relationship to the economy, however its transnational connotation in a globalized environment vis-à-vis the process of regional migration and integration in West Africa deserves attention.

Regional integration among African countries is the reason for the establishment of several regional blocks in the continent. There are ECOWAS, COMESA, EAC, and SADC among others. However, despite the establishments of these regional blocks, regional integration in Africa still looks more like a mirage. Since a symbiotic relationship exists between migration and regional integration, especially in a continent like Africa, which has often been described as the continent with latent potentials for development, the need for effective migration management as a way of achieving the much envisaged regional integration cannot be over-emphasized. The migration configuration in Africa is fast evolving as it now includes large mobile populations of refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), labour migrants and irregular migrants, which include trafficked and smuggled migrants. Some of the concomitant issues calling for priority attention therefore include forced displacement and human security, management of clandestine migration, management of cross-cutting migration issues, supporting measures for controlling human trafficking and exploitation of vulnerable groups including women and children, fostering partnerships through international cooperation and eventually developing a model framework for an African Migration Policy just like we have in the European Union. This paper therefore proposes some practical steps to ensuring an effective management of migration in the continent. One of such is the need to address migration challenges through regional co-operation mechanisms, which include collaboration, consultation, networking and information sharing among member states. The paper presents other policy relevant suggestions.

A focus on the strength of Regional Integration in other continents of the world shows the need for Africa to reflect on the peculiar Regional Integration challenges it is facing and seek lasting solutions to them. The African Union (AU) is laden with this challenge but it is important to emphasize that member countries should play their part in ensuring Regional Integration on the continent. To a very large extent, the history of African societies is characterized by instability, crisis and conflict since nominal flag independence from European colonial overlords dating back nearly five decades, with this situation still prevalent in most African countries. To the extent that there is no intra-regional co-operation or peace, it would be rather preposterous to expect co-operation across territorial boundaries by way of integration.

This paper aims at highlighting the causes of trade incompatibilities and intra-regional conflicts in Africa and the challenges they pose to sustainable Regional Integration in Africa. It also looks at the responsibility of the state in addressing these challenges and how they can be effectively tackled to ensure the development of the entire region.

The proposed project consists of three parts, and the first part of the project focuses the relevance of regional integration idea for the European Union and the relevance of this idea in the European policy toward Africa. African regional communities seem to be "a laboratory for Europeanisation" beyond the EU borders, due to long tradition of European influence, therefore I will document and analyze the motivations, methods, and spheres of the EU's activity in promoting regional integration in Africa. The second part focuses on the impact of the European model, and responses from EAC member states. Therefore the proposed project focuses on the rationalization of regional integration in Sub-Saharan Africa, and answers the question what kind of rationality is prevailing among EAC members regarding models of integration. Two theoretical models proposed by Walter Matli and Francesco Duina, and Amitav Aharya will be adopted to explain EAC' responses. The third part focuses on differences between EAC expectations and EU offer, regarding aims and modes of integration. I argue that clear failure of European model results from different notions of integration on both sides, when EU is still an unfinished project, framed in post-Westphalian manner, while EAC member states expect clear and simple solution, classically Westphalian form of federal state. Such differences result in path dependent decisions, and different way of integration.

It is indicated that a cross border area is a geographical area that overlaps between two or more neighbouring states and whose populations are linked by socio-economic and cultural bonds. The concept recognizes the existence of borders between countries, but refers to a dynamic community united by socio-economic and cultural realities. Borders and borderlands on the other hand are disadvantaged areas due to their location at the margin of their states territory, and are socially and economically depressed. They usually assume the status of "asylum" and are "creators and facilitators" of cross-border crimes. The border in focus evolved due to the imperial rivalry between the British-German and later the French. It divided the Boki, Ejagham and Akwaya placing them in Nigeria and Cameroon, including a cultural inherent area, the sea bed, etc. The border referenced is the least developed and underpolicied of all nigeria's borderlands making it a sanctuary or camouflage for criminals to thrive. The neglect of the borderlands from the colonial era have continued in the era of independence due to the adoption of a socio-economic development strategy which emphasizes by way of policy recommendation that the adoption of the cross border area concept could reverse the status of the borderland as militarily vulnerable and unsecure for investment and development. The micro-integration formations taking place along and astride the borderlands at the grassroots should be galvanized and vitalized for broader economic integration of the shared borders.

Many researchers have claimed that regional integration is important for resource allocation, promoting technology transfer and raising the standard of living. On the other hand, studies have concluded that economic integration causes trade imbalances, increases financial market volatility and fosters less-effective macroeconomic policies. Regardless of this, regional integration remains an important economic and political goal for sub-Saharan Africa. Currently, there are over 14 intra-regional trade agreements in Africa, some with an overlapping membership. The major ones are ECOWAS, COMESA and ECA. Regional integration agreements between developed countries tend to promote a convergence in their per capita income( EU case), while trade agreements between African countries show mixed results. This is because, the similarity in comparative advantage of trading countries and less complementarity of the products. Countries that are mainly dependant on the primary sector benefit less from regional trade integration with partners at similar stages of development (Ethiopia case). Therefore, the objective of this paper is to explain the different levels of economic integration, to apply the economic analysis tools to regional integration, to address some of the challenges and the obstacles facing integration.

International integration-a process of shifting upward of sovereignty from state to supranational Institutions, is a reality of our modern day globalised world. Thus, states across the globe are increasingly getting involved in different forms and levels of integration platforms. Africa is not an exception, as African leaders formed the African Union in 1992 (an off-shoot of the Organization of African Unity OAU). Today, twenty years after, the debate is on whether the move has really helped Africa and Africans. The challenge of this paper therefore is an evaluation of the African Union in respect of its stated objectives. In doing this, the neo-functional theory was employed as an explanatory tool. The findings of the study indicate that the biggest challenge facing African integration today is the issue of leadership .Thus, while there are many extraneous obstacles and challenges to African integration, the major challenge remains internal and therefore any serious efforts at integration must first of all address the leadership question.

Keywords: African Union, Integration, Leadership, Development