|
|
AEGIS European Conference on African Studies
11 - 14 July 2007
African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands
Show panel list
New ways of being Baay Faal in Senegal and around the world
| Panel |
30. Islamic education and activism in sub-Saharan Africa
|
| Paper ID | 174 |
| Author(s) |
Pezeril, Charlotte
|
| Paper |
View papers (PDF)
|
| Abstract | The Baay Faal community, which belongs to the Murid brotherhood, has experienced many changes especially since the seventies. First, globalisation and impoverishment in Senegal led to Baay Faal migrations to Europe, the United States and even to China, setting transnational networks, first on commercial and then associative bases. At the same time, many “Tubaab”, “White” or “Western”, converted themselves to Baay Faal path. These two developements deeply influenced Baay Faal mysticism and way of being. If Cheikh Ibra Fall (like his master Cheikh Amadu Bamba) was a “Black Prophet” fighting for Wolof identity, Baay Faal faith is open to any human being, regardless of color, nationality or “civilization”. Nevertheless, universalisation of Baay Faal ideology is still mixed with Wolof and African pride, and the condemnation of Western values as individualistic and materialistic.
The second important change is due to the Baay Faal's own bid to gain islamic legitimacy for their faith. Indeed, they produce an increasing number of texts, conferences and Internet sites. After decades of stigmatisation, the Baay Faal want to be recognized as “good Muslims”. On the one hand, they insist on basis of sufism which are obvious in Baay Faal path: submission to a master, action and work, esotericism, rejection of material needs. In the context of muslim radicalisation, they try to hide their lack of practice (compared to the five daily prayers and the Ramadan fast) and appear as “Fool of God”. Some of them even defend the duty of respecting all the sharia, the five islamic piliar, pretending that only Cheikh Ibra Faal has been exempted from it (because he was a “fool”). However, that point of view is rare and the majority, incluing maraboutic hierarchy, is still defending haqiqa, the specific Baay Faal way of being, against sharia. On the other hand, Baay Faal legitimisation is curtailed by young urban disciples who live far from their master and who don’t appear to respect Baay Faal rules. They are accused of being “Baye-faux” (which means “Baye false” in French) or “Baye Mbedd” (“Baye from the street” in Wolof) and responsible for Baay Faal stigmatisation. This quest for islamic legitimacy is dividing the Baay Faal community.
As a result, Baay Faal sociability is evolving from a strict disciple-master relationship to collectives and informal relationships. Most religious interactions concern followers inside associations (daaira) or informal places in town re-called daara. Above all, interaction with the master increasingly takes place during the Grand Magal and is therefore collective and brief. Consequently, inside one muslim movement, some live their faith individually, going to Tuba once a year, while others are wholly devoted to a “sëriñ” (a master), claiming to be Sufi Reformists (which appears to be the case).
This paper analyses the Baay Faal community and these evolutions, and is based on doctoral research carried out from 1997 to 2005 in Senegal, France and Belgium.
|
|